For more than two decades now, the international development scene has been predominated by the neoliberal school of thought, and more precisely, the so-called Washington Consensus. In simple terms, neoliberalism stands for the transferring of economic control from the state to the private sector.  The Washington Consensus, therefore, is basically a set of economic and legal policies aimed at reducing the amount of power individual states hold over their markets. Along with globalization, the neoliberal approach has resulted in what has begun to be known as the “decline of the state”.

While many believe that state declinism is a necessary requirement for economic growth and development, others have begun to show concern for what British economist Noreena Hertz quite starkly calls “the death of democracy”. According to Hertz, the neoliberal approach has resulted in an economic and political power shift: Democratically elected government bodies now hold less power than multinational corporations and impersonal market forces [1]. This “erosion of state powers” exposes citizens to “the winds of global inequalities” [2].

It is often forgotten that Africa is a continent of vast resources. In addition to great mineral and agricultural resources, the continent boasts enormous human potential both at home and in the Diaspora. According to Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the President of Liberia, the “challenge is to harness these resources, to adopt proper economic policies, to open up political space, to ensure efficiency, accountability and transparency in government operations, and to make sure [the] justice system works” [4]. What Johnson-Sirleaf is referring to is the concept of the African Renaissance. It is no longer enough to focus simply on promoting (cosmetic) democracy and good governance. What is needed is “a concerted effort on behalf of all [African] states and all the peoples of the continent to come to a new realisation [sic] that Africa has come of age, and is ready to free itself from all the negative factors” [5]. It is time to recognize that Africans themselves have the right and the responsibility to find African solutions to African problems. However, it should be noted that the African Renaissance neither calls not for cultural isolationism nor for the rejection of democracy as a Western institution. 

In his article “Strengthening Democratic Institutions through the African Union”, Kwame Frimpong offers an agenda for stability and development in Africa. He begins by listing problems that characterize African postcolonial governments. These problems can be loosely gathered under two main themes: the lack of authentic democratic rule and the lack of division between different branches of the government. In Africa, the lack of democratic rule usually means one party politics and/or vindictive treatment of possible opposition parties. Free and fair elections are absent and the ruling party is in control of everything from the military to the media. The democratic processes are further complicated by the lack of division between different government branches. The judicial branch is often swallowed by the executive branch, making the sustenance of a predictable legal environment impossible. Without a clear separation of power between the executive, judicial, and legislative branches there are no checks and balances to challenge the government processes. This, according to Frimpong, leads to general mal-administration, economic mismanagement, corruption, mass unemployment, and wide spread poverty among other things [6].

What Frimpong proposes is a united Africa facing the challenges of development together. While recognizing that Africans cannot reach any form of unity unless they first accept one another and stop being “at each other’s throats”, Frimpong believes that the key to development lies in the strategic work of the regional bodies such as the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the East African Community (EAC), and most importantly the African Union (AU). Through appropriate institutions and strategies, the AU can become an agency that enforces its constitutional beliefs of observing the rule of law, good governance, and the reverence of human rights [7].

If genuine democratic processes play such an important role in development, is it reasonable to say that the current trend of state declinism and less state involvement in the economy ideology imposed by international financial institutions in Africa for decades have hurt the Global South? To a degree, neoliberalism has certainly resulted in the neglect of state building which in turn has caused “growing problems of governance, lawlessness and the breakdown of administrative competence” [8]. Francis Fukuyama, an American political economist, believes that neoliberalism has even contributed to the phenomenon of “failed states”. Consequently, Fukuyama predicts that the global community will once again be forced to focus on state building. Interestingly, it so happens that state building is precisely what Kwame Frimpong proposes Africans should rally around together as a network of peoples and nations.

It seems fair to say that refocusing on building the state and reforming the institutions of the systems of government may in fact help repair certain social and political problems in Africa. What about the economy? After all, the neoliberal objectives mainly focus on boosting the financial systems. However, quite the contrary to the Washington Consensus, Ha-Joon Chang, a Korean economist, has proposed that neoliberalism deliberately prohibits developing countries from developing. According to him, the governments of the now-industrialized countries used a wide array of interventionist policies when they were faced with the same development obstacles as today’s Third World countries [9]. This, of course, is contrary to the neoliberal guidelines widely promoted by international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Despite the international pressure to abide by the prevailing school of thought, Chang’s theory has already been seen in practice. Malawi, after a disastrous harvest in 2005, decided to go against the Washington Consensus and implemented agricultural (fertilizer) subsidies in order to promote domestic food production. The reverse policy worked and the country saw record-breaking harvests in the following two years [10]. It is safe to say then that we are right to re-examine the role that the state plays in economic and social development.

In most African countries, colonial and illegitimate institutions have not been replaced, and today in the 21st century, African governments are asked to apply legal theories and practices that, at the end, play into the hands of the international financial institutions and transnational corporations.   The African people have already started to show signs of displease with the neoliberal policies. With Malawi leading the way, African governments are beginning to look for African solutions that work to solve African problems.  Younger generations of Africans understand that Africa development crisis and its persistent poverty will not be solved through emergency and relief programs that still remain the focus most development aids in Africa instead of Institutional reforms and capacity building, the promotion of an independent judiciary and of a fair and accessible justice system that adheres to the principles of democratic governance and Rule of Law, help advance democracy, protect human rights abuses, bring accountability, and secure private and foreign investments.

It is time for the West to recognize the right and the responsibility that the African people have toward developing their own continent.  A durable impact on Africa development crisis and its persistent poverty, Africa needs development aids programs that can help get rig of outdated, corrupt and illegitimate institutions of governance.  The industrialized countries will certainly remain in a critical role; however, it may be time for them to consider the passenger seat.