Rebel groups and the government's armed forces in the northeast of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have broken September's ceasefire agreement.  Days of fighting have left soldiers blaming one another, and more civilians suffering the loss of a peace deal through continued violence and displacement. 

National People's Congress (CNDP) leader General Lauren Nkunda said in an interview with IRIN that the government attacked CNDP's forces in this most recent outbreak of violence [1].  Government officials claim that the CNDP had unsuccessfully tried to attack army troops [2].  In both cases, fighters claim self-defense.  The defenseless are the displaced civilians in this case, whose numbers reached the thousands from just this week's events,adding to the estimated 300,000 to 500,000 people that have been displaced this year [3] [4].  Security issues have prevented humanitarian aid from the UN from reaching some parts of North Kivu where fighting continues and where many civilians also face predation in the form of forced militia recruitment and gruesome sexual violence.

The Democratic Republic of Congo's five year-long civil war officially ended in 2003.  Since then, the country has made some remarkable steps toward democracy including the 2006 general elections which reaffirmed the presidency of Joseph Kabila who had been serving as interim President since 2001 [5].  Elections occurred with no major return to violence, but the threat of renewed civil war remained.

Badges of democratic progress have done little to alleviate instability in the DRC caused by a persistent and very regional conflict in which all players’ motives and alliances are muddy and historically linked.  entrenched.  Among the militias in the northeast are the FDLR from Rwanda, whose members maintain ties to the extremist Hutus involved in the 1994 Rwandan genocide [6].  Rebel groups like the CNDP claim the government backs this militia's activities in the region as part of an anti-rebel effort [7].  The CNDP on the other hand, has the implicit support of the Ugandan government [8].  Congolese officials have pointed to Uganda's involvement in the region as a source of continued conflict [9].  Other regional interests remain at stake as well, as nations vie for access to the DRC's vast mineral wealth. 

Far from benefiting from these natural resources and political developments, the people of the region have been removed not only from their homes and relative security, but also from the political processes that could hold the perpetrators of violence accountable for their actions.  Especially with regards to violence against women, but also in the case of violence against children and child recruitment into militias, the government of Kabila has failed to provide security and to bring war criminals to justice to the point of complicity [10].  The national police, as well as soldiers in the state army, are implicated in gross abuses of power and arbitrary ruthlessness , for which impunity currently reigns, as very few have faced justice [11]. 

Meanwhile, the UN mission in the DRC faces numerous obstacles in their security and humanitarian efforts.  UN peacekeepers' presence in the region has been somewhat controversial in light of recent verified gold-smuggling schemes involving peacekeepers [12].   Security issues have also caused transportation problems and the UN is experiencing some difficulty in delivering food and medical aid to displaced people in the region [13]. 

The International Institute for Justice and Development's two-pronged approach to development suggests to researchers and policy makers the imperative of considering access to resources and other economic concerns in formulating an approach to renewing peace in the DRC.  This means that inter-government agreements on regional access to mineral and other natural resources in the region must play a role in the processes of peace consolidation and reconstruction.  The UN must therefore continue their work in encouraging negotiations not only between rebel groups and the government of the DRC, but also between Kabila's government and the governments of Uganda and Rwanda.  Humanitarian efforts must continue in order to provide for the well-being of those persons who are displaced.  Foresight also demands that social programs be put in place to ease the reintegration of displaced persons and fighters into society once fighting has ceased.  The UN must continue their security efforts in the DRC and work especially to improve the security of women and other targeted civilians.  Increased oversight and transparency must be a part of this mission, as misconduct and lawlessness on the part of UN peacekeepers and other officials generates distrust and unwillingness on the part of host countries and mission countries. The UN mission in the DRC and the humanitarian and reconstruction work of NGOs requires adequate resources; the IIJD urges the international community to support these programs.

Transparency and accountability must guide the government's actions at this crucial juncture.  Where the government is rumored to support regional militias, state dealings with such groups must be made clear.  Furthermore, as these militias are extra-legal armies whose actions implicate their state supporters in international law, the government must not employ them to combat rebels, even for security purposes.  The government must also not sanction, even through complacency, targeted and heinous violence against civilians.  As this problem continues to develop, the government must reaffirm vigilance in its efforts to eradicate official impunity and to investigate war crimes.  State-sanctioned repression and ruthlessness will redouble rebel momentum in this ongoing conflict.