The crisis that has been plaguing Somalia since late 2006 has grown steadily more worrisome as an increasing number of countries have become involved in the conflict.

The current war began when the Ethiopian-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) entered Somalia in 2006 and threw out the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). UIC had been running the Somali government for approximately one year; this after sixteen chaotic years with no official leader. The UIC began to work toward the institution of Shari’a (Islamic) Law, making Ethiopia worry the Islamist influence in Somalia would spill over boarder. Ethiopia is partly Christian, partly Muslim.

It has been difficult for the Somalis to trust the intentions behind the Ethiopian involvement, as Somalia and Ethiopia are traditional rivals. Eritrea has also become involved in the conflict, aiding the Somali Islamist rebels that oppose the presence of the TFG. Eritrea and Ethiopia have maintained a strong rivalry since Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia in 1993 [1]. Two major clans in Mogadishu further divide the TFG and the rebels. The Hawiye clan supports the UIC rebels while the Darod supports the government. Since clan identity is a major part of Somali life, this is no small distinction [2]. So far, the international community has supported the TFG, a position that is most likely fortified by the current anti-Islamist political climate.

The international community is not clear regarding its position on this conflict, and most action is coming from within the African continent. Burundi has committed (though not yet deployed) 2,000 troops to aid Somalia, Uganda has sent 1,600 troops, and Nigeria and Ghana have promised troops to supplement the promised 8,000-strong African Union force, which has yet to materialize.

Ethiopia claims that once the AU force grows sufficiently large, it will withdraw from Somalia and allow the AU to take over management of the capital. Meanwhile, members of the Hawiye have refused to attend any conferences or peace talks until the Ethiopian troops withdraw [3].

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has urged the international community to become further involved in peace restoration in Somalia, but many world governments have proven reluctant [4]. The French Foreign Minister, Bernard Koucher, has joined Ki-moon in this call for action [5]; UN Somalia envoy Francois Fall said during a recent trip to Mogadishu that the UN would contribute “whatever technical assistance is needed” to achieve peace [6]. The evidence that the UN will ever achieve this scale of involvement is weak.

Kenya is concerned that the conflict is jeopardizing its reputation as a neutral state. In the past year, Kenya has taken in 34,000 Somali refugees, forcing the country to seal its border (January 2007). This left thousands of aid workers stranded in Somalia and unable to return home as the crisis worsened. As the United States interrogates Somali detainees in Kenya, the country now finds itself in an awkward position with the United States. Kenya has previously been an impartial mediator in many of Somalia’s clan conflicts, and this level of perceived support for the TFG puts its future ability to mediate at risk [7].

Is the involvement of foreign states in the Somalia conflict helping to create peace in the region? The IIJD believes that the Somalia conflict cannot be analyzed in a vacuum, as events in nearby Sudan have demonstrated forcefully in recent years. As the African Union works for supranational influence, and the mechanisms of state-level politics continue to disregard tribal and clan differences in African disputes, it is inevitable that conflicts such as those in Sudan and Somalia will morph into regional crises. It is in the best interests of the international community to keep regional conflicts contained.  International aid efforts must focus on building economic, political, and governmental democratic institutions for more accountability and transparency. Although important for creating peace, peacekeeping forces alone do not provide development. Sending military forces to support one clan over the other without contributing to the establishment of a system of governance that includes a real separation and balance of powers between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches will not consolidate long-term peace for the people of Somalia.

The AU is at a threshold, and the conflict in Somalia is an opportunity to prove itself as a viable peacekeeping force. The IIJD supports Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as he attempts to mobilize international sympathies towards the plight of the Somali people, and asks that the rest of the world be compliant with UN requests.