A newly-formed group of world-renowned humanitarians called The Elders arrived in Sudan on September 30th for their inaugural mission, a response to the ongoing crisis in Darfur which has left at least 200,000 dead and made 2.5 million refugees.  Unlike those who have come before them, The Elders did not hesitate to speak candidly about the region’s misery and to criticize the Sudanese Government [1].

The delegation to Sudan was led by Archbishop Desmond Tutu and included former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, South African President Nelson Mandela’s wife and rights activist Graca Machel, and former United Nations envoy Lakhar Brahimi.  The Elders was founded this summer by Nelson Mandela in an effort to bring together a group of older people who have dedicated their lives to “seeking ways to improve the human condition” in order to contribute their “experience to resolving some of the world’s most difficult crises” [2].

In his arrival statement in Khartoum, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Chair of The Elders, said, “We do not represent our countries or any country or non-governmental or inter-governmental organizations.  We consider ourselves Elders of a global village.  Due to the urgency of the conflict and immense human suffering in Darfur, we have decided to come here first” [3]. He went on to describe the goals of the mission: first, to “listen, learn, and report on the views of the people of Darfur,” and second, “to find ways to contribute to the peace process” [4].

When forming The Elders, Mandela emphasized his hope that the group would be able to speak “freely and boldly”. They have certainly stayed true to this in their first mission [5]. After spending two days in Darfur, Graca Machel boldly confronted Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir about the widespread rape of Darfur refugees, saying “The government doesn’t seem to have an understanding of what it means for women to say ‘we are being raped’” [6]. Machel also cautioned that “the space of freedom” and the space for humanitarian work “is shrinking” in Darfur, appealing to the government to change its approach [7]. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter called the situation a “crime against humanity” and fingered the government-backed Arab janjaweed militia for “ethnic cleansing” of ethnic Africans in Darfur [8].

Though The Elders had hoped to meet with a broad spectrum of stakeholders, the meetings in Darfur appeared mostly to be with the government or related groups and actors.  A handful of local ethnic African refugee leaders told reporters that they had been intimidated into declining invitations to meet with The Elders.  Carter got into a scuffle with the head of national security in the town of Kabkabiya when he was not allowed to meet with any of the ethnic African refugees.  His security team urged him to let the matter go [9].

Upon completion of their mission, The Elders set forth a series of recommendations.  Firstly, they called for the invigoration of the peace process between the government in Khartoum and the semiautonomous region of southern Sudan.  The group also called upon Darfur’s rebel factions to accept the new peace negotiations scheduled to begin in Libya on October 27th.  The Elders also expressed grave concerns that the African Union (AU) peacekeeping force in Darfur lacks adequate funding and equipment.  They urged Western countries to commit support to the proposed 26,000 joint UN and AU peacekeeping force that is due to arrive in Sudan on January 1st.  “Tell your governments to get cracking,” said Tutu in an appeal to the Western public [10].

The conflict in Darfur is rooted in tensions between ethnic African (black) farmers and the Arab herders due to competition for land in the region of Darfur. The present conflict in Darfur began in 2003, when rebel groups representing the ethnic Africans (blacks) in Darfur began attacking government targets, claiming that the region was being neglected by the government in Khartoum.  The rebels believe that the government is oppressing ethnic Africans (blacks) in favor of Arabs.  The Sudanese government retaliated against the attacks by launching a military and police campaign in Darfur.  While the government admits that it has mobilized “self-defense militias,” it denies links to the infamous pro-government Janjaweed militia which has been reported to ride through villages in Darfur following government aircraft bombings to murder, rape, and pillage.  More than 2 million have fled their homes and death estimates begin at “no fewer than 200,000” [11].

Many aid agencies are working in Darfur, but they are unable to effectively help refugees gain access to food, water, and medicine because of the fighting.  7,000 AU troops are stationed in Darfur in a peacekeeping mission, but experts say the soldiers and funds are too few and the limited mandate of the force does not enable the troops to protect civilians and aid workers [12]. The AU force is overwhelmed.  Furthermore, soldiers of the rebel movements are losing faith in the AU force.  They are ashamed to cooperate with the force because the AU is widely perceived as “too close to Khartoum.”  According to one rebel commander, “It seems very easy for the government to push the AU around and that makes us view them as the enemy” [13].

Peace talks between the Sudanese government and the rebel groups in Darfur are scheduled to start on October 27th in Libya.  Most rebels groups have agreed to participate, but one key rebel leader, Abdul Wahid Mohammed Nur, founder of the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM), has already refused to come to the table until certain conditions are met.  In particular, Nur would like to see a strong UN force on the ground and the disarming of pro-government militias.  In response, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon has said, “It is very important that rather than protesting and complaining outside the framework of dialogue, it is better if everybody comes and addresses their concerns…this is going to be a crucially important negotiation forum for durable and permanent peace in Sudan” [14]. The Sudanese government, while committed to the peace talks, has been hesitant to accept non-African involvement in the joint UN and AU peacekeeping force scheduled to deploy at the beginning of the year [15].

The IIJD supports the deployment of the joint UN and AU peacekeeping force.  In order for the force to be successful, however, the international community must answer the call for support.  Sudanese, African, and international support is needed to ensure successful outcomes.  Countries should show their support by committing troops as well as equipment and funds.  The IIJD also supports the peace talks scheduled for October 27th.  We urge all rebel groups and other stakeholders to come to the table and participate in the discussion.  If major stakeholders are absent, the legitimacy of the forum will be threatened.  Furthermore, the IIJD urges the government of Sudan to take seriously the concern put forth by The Elders that the widespread rape in Darfur is being ignored. 

Lastly, the IIJD would like to stress that while external support from the UN, AU, and others is essential in the short-term, long-term solutions for the recovery and development of Sudan must come from within.  The crisis in Darfur has been exacerbated by systemic weaknesses in the Sudanese government, including the absence of many qualities of effective and functioning governmental institutions. The Sudanese justice system lacks all sense of transparency, accountability and legitimacy, and the Sudanese government exploits these failed institutions by centralizing all official power in the hands a few rulers to the great detriment of the Sudanese people.  Until these institutions are reformed, there will not be lasting peace or recovery in Sudan.  International diplomatic and military efforts to reach a lasting peace and relieve the citizens of Darfur from their suffering can create fertile ground for long-term systemic reform and development [16].