Author: Ben.Ngachoko

The goal of the International Conference on the State of the Affairs of Africa was to discuss the root causes of Africa development crisis and set concrete priorities on how to resolve Africa’s persistent poverty. For this conference, the IIJD assembled a diverse group of more than 100 scholars, development professionals, community leaders, entrepreneurs, philanthropists, and members of the NGO community for the common purpose of addressing the challenges that beleaguer the lives of countless Africans. After three days of intensive and interactive debate and dialogue, participants identified and prioritized key development objectives. The following findings, resolutions, and recommendations are a summary of this dialogue and decision-making. They can be accessed by clicking on the below links.

ICSAA Preamble

ICSAA Findings

ICSAA Resolutions

ICSAA Recommendations

On February 18, 2010, Africa experienced yet another coup d’état, one of several to occur in just the past few years. A majority faction of Niger’s military, calling themselves the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD), staged a military ‘coup’, deposing Niger’s controversial president and fledgling dictator, Mamadou Tandja, with the promise to restore the country’s recently dismantled democratic institutions. While many might simply dismiss the coup as yet another attempt to establish a more military-friendly dictatorship (in the name of so-called democracy), the circumstances surrounding this particular coup indicate otherwise, offering hope to the threatened democracy. In fact, recent political events in Niger have challenged all traditional notions of the African ‘coup’ and have also raised questions about the changing role of the military in African politics.

The Tandja Coup: From Democracy to Dictatorship

Although many are quick to criticize the CSRD’s actions, none can deny that it was recent actions taken by Tandja that had essentially destroyed the democratic character and foundation of Niger’s government. In fact, Tandja’s actions over the course of the last several months amounted to nothing less than a coup d’état, as every one of Niger’s democratic institutions was illegitimately dissolved and the country’s constitution rewritten to allow Tandja to stay in power, perhaps indefinitely. Tandja’s short-lived dictatorship began mid-2009 with his call to hold a referendum to adopt a new constitution, one which contained no presidential term limits. Tandja knew that he could not simply amend the 1999 constitution, because it explicitly prohibited amendment of the two-term limit (even by referendum); hence to do so would be a violation of the law as well as the oath he took on the Quran when first sworn into office. So, rather craftily, he proposed the creation of an entirely new constitution, hoping to avoid any legal or moral dispute.

Whatever unqualified attempts Tandja might have made at only slightly circumventing the law ended with his proposed referendum. After the Constitutional Court of Niger ruled three times that any such referendum would be unconstitutional, Tandja simply dissolved the Court by way of presidential decree, claiming it lacked the competence to judge such matters. Ironically, it was Tandja that had approved the judges’ original appointments. Under the constitution, the dissolution of the Court is strictly prohibited by anyone, including the president, and judges cannot be removed until the end of their six-year term, which would have been in 2012. By destroying one of the country’s central democratic institutions, Tandja revealed just how far he was willing to go to retain power, which is particularly unfortunate, given the Court’s demonstrated ability to uphold the law, even in the face of major political pressure from a powerful party.  

The Court was not the sole government body to fall victim to Tandja’s power grab. After the Court’s first ruling, Tandja once again invoked his executive powers and without any legal justification, dissolved The National Assembly, Niger’s parliament. With increasing parliamentary opposition to his referendum plan, Tandja ran the risk of being charged and tried for treason by the Assembly, through a specially formed ‘High Court’. With parliament dissolved and elections not due for three months, Tandja was now free to hold his referendum, with no further challenge or major consequence. However, breaks within his own party’s ranks as well as with major political allies such as the Democratic and Social Convention (CSD) party, proved problematic, especially after the CSD voiced strong opposition to the proposed referendum and announced the withdrawal of its eight ministers from the country’s government.

By June of 2009, Tandja had effectively dismantled both the judicial and legislative branches of government and was forced to replace members of the executive. In addition to that, weekly public protests against the proposed referendum as well as strikes by union and trade workers continued. In August, however, Tandja proceeded with the referendum, amidst the protest of thousands and without the participation of opposition parties, which had staged a boycott. Unfortunately, this left only Tandja supporters to vote. Many of these people, being poor and uneducated, were all too easily exploited by their leader, as he offered small bribes and additional promises of food and money to secure their vote. The result being that a new illegitimate constitution was passed, one that provided Tandja with sweeping new powers, including the power to appoint one-third of the parliament’s members and to establish a media oversight body with the authority to jail journalists deemed a threat to national security. Term limits were also completely abolished, veritably securing Tandja’s path to dictatorship.

Over the course of the next several months, Niger’s ECOWAS membership was suspended and sanctions against Niger subsequently put in place. The EU also suspended over US$600 million in annual budgetary support and development aid, and the US froze over US$50 million in non-humanitarian support. As Niger fell deeper into isolation, Tandja remained defiant in his endless pursuit of power. Tandja had proved himself willing to sacrifice not only the integrity of the country’s democratic institutions and processes, but also the health and well-being of his already impoverished and long-suffering people, all for the sake of his personal political ambitions.

The Military Coup: A Return to Democracy?

Shortly before the referendum, the private radio station, ‘Dounia’ was shut down by Tandja’s government, after reportedly calling upon military forces to stop obeying Tandja. Soon afterwards, military spokesman Colonel Goukoye Abdoulkarim, issued a statement, declaring the army’s continued neutrality during the country’s political impasse. The statement read, “Mindful of national unity, the defense forces do not serve partisan interests. Duty bound to be neutral and reserved, the armed forces cannot as such be associated with any political debate, or be involved in destabilizing actions.” Interestingly, calls for the military to intervene stemmed not only from private entities, but from civil society organizations and opposition leaders, some of which were arrested as a result. The military gained the public’s trust in 1999 when its intervention played a key role in establishing a democratic government, bringing stability to the country for the first time in decades.

The military’s refusal to intervene on the grounds of neutrality were at first questionable. Tandja himself had been a senior military officer, whose rise to power was largely the result of the 1999 military coup, leading most to conclude that his connection to the military, as well as its loyalty to him, was still arguably strong. Hence, the military’s initial complacence in the matter could certainly have been interpreted as tacit support. However, its refusal to intervene was also interpreted by many as an exercise in idealistic restraint. Senior military officers certainly had ample opportunity over the course of the past year to exploit government weaknesses, as well as the public’s discontent, to stage a coup from which they could have surely profited, as is the case currently in Guinea. However, the military did not act opportunistically, but instead chose to test the tenacity of the country’s civil institutions before intervening. This restraint is even more surprising given the impoverished state of the country, to which the army is certainly not immune.

On February 18, 2010, with Tandja’s new despotic government firmly in place and the country facing a dire humanitarian crisis, the military finally intervened, storming the presidential palace and deposing Tandja. Although immediately condemned by much of the international community (as is tradition), the actions of the CSRD were quickly praised by a significant majority of Niger’s public as well as the Coordination of Democratic Forces for the Republic (CFDR), a group comprised of opposition political parties, labor organizations and human rights groups, formed last year to protest and challenge Tandja’s plans for referendum. While it is difficult to ascertain CSRD’s true motives at this point, there is good reason for cautious optimism regarding its intentions.

First, the junta’s actions are an obvious response to the destruction of the state’s democratic institutions and the resulting civil strife. Also relevant is the make-up of the junta, the leader of which, Colonel Salou Djibo, is relatively unknown, but has had a distinguished career, which includes service as a UN peacekeeper in Cote D’Ivoire and the DRC. Sources have stated that the CSRD is essentially made up of a small, but powerful faction of the military that had become increasingly disillusioned with Tandja’s violation of the constitution. Some members have been educated abroad and have also studied human rights, a marked difference from the uneducated and oftentimes illiterate soldiers who have led African coups in the past. Also interesting, some of the CSRD’s leaders were participants in the 1999 coup, so, in deposing Tandja, the junta actually acted against a former ally, one of whom many in the military undoubtedly respect and share with an institutional loyalty. In addition, the fact that they were members of the 1999 coup, which first established democratic order in the country, bodes well for their stated intention to restore democracy.

A Call for Constitutional Order and Elections

In the past week, the junta has taken some steps to reassure the public, as well as the international community, that it does in fact intend to restore the country’s democracy. For instance, it has appointed an interim prime minister, a civilian, former Information Minister Mahamadou Danda. In addition, state institutions are now functioning, and most government ministers have returned to work, and business in the capital, as well as the rest of the country is proceeding without disruption. Furthermore, on February 26, the CSRD announced that no member of the junta, or the interim government that is currently being set up, will be permitted to run in the upcoming elections, further assurance that the junta’s leaders have no intent of seizing power for their own purposes.

In order for Niger to return to legitimate, democratic rule, constitutional order must be re-established. Therefore, the IIJD calls upon the CSRD and the interim government to immediately restore the 1999 constitution. The constitution imposed upon the country by Tandja in 2009 cannot be recognized as legitimate in any form, since its creation was the result of a coup, an unrepresentative and inherently flawed referendum. In addition to reestablishing the country’s 1999 constitution, an independent assessment of the executive powers under the constitution should be immediately conducted; the constitution should subsequently be amended to strengthen the separation of power between the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of government. This includes applying stricter language regarding the president’s power to employ or rule by executive decree. The IIJD specifically believes that the constitution should explicitly prohibit the president from using executive decree to dissolve the country’s judicial branch (constitutional court) and the Legislative branch (National Assembly). Under no circumstances, should the president be permitted to dissolve either body. Furthermore, IIJD also calls upon the CSRD to immediately reinstate the National Assembly and constitutional court in its full form, prior to their dissolution by Tandja in 2009, as Tandja’s dissolution of the original bodies was illegal and objected to by the majority of Nigerians as well as the international community.

Unfortunately, the junta has yet to set a timetable for much needed elections, which are necessary to ensuring the government legitimately reflects the will of the people. Although Tandja acted illegally in rewriting the constitution, making the extension of his rule illegitimate, the junta too lacks any real legality in its rule. Therefore, it must immediately schedule a timetable for institutional reform followed by presidential elections. The elections must be fair and transparent and organized by an independent electoral body. Given Niger’s success with holding legitimate elections over the past ten years, this should not be an issue; however, the importance of transparency, particularly after a military coup, can never be overstated. Hence, the IIJD recommends that the CSRD and the interim government immediately initiate reforms and invite the international community, specifically the UN, to actively participate both in restoring constitutional order and in organizing and monitoring any upcoming elections.

The IIJD believes that in order for elections to be considered free, fair and legitimate, the following five factors must be present: an independent national electoral commission to carry out and monitor elections, a transparent electoral law recognized by all parties, free and open media coverage, free and unrestricted registration and voting access by the citizenry and finally, freedom of political candidates to campaign in all areas of the country. With these elements in place, Niger’s junta and its interim government will guarantee free and fair elections, ensuring results are justifiable and recognized by all. Most important, the junta will have fulfilled its promise to its people and to itself to restore Niger’s democracy, thereby providing its country with hope for a more successful future, one that benefits the ambitions of all. The IIJD is ready to provide its expertise and contribution in establishing a stronger and stable foundation that will propel Niger in the path of sustainable, democratic, and human development.

In 1994, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela became the first democratically elected president of South Africa. Before that time, the National Party had ruled the country for nearly 50 years, imposing policies that guaranteed continued white domination. Mandela spent his early life mobilizing within the ANC, African National Congress, and after the National Parties banning of the congress, he went on the create the Umkhonto we Sizwe, a military wing of the ANC that advocated the use of violent tactics in their fight against apartheid. In his infamous “I am Prepared to Die” speech given to the Pretoria Supreme Court in 1964 Mandela states that “at the beginning of June 1961, after a long and anxious assessment of the South African situation, I, and some colleagues, came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic and wrong for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the Government met our peaceful demands with force.” (Mandela) His connection to this organization would eventually lead to his imprisonment that would last for over a quarter of a century.

In February of 1990, Mandela was released from Victor Verster prison after 27 years behind bars. Opposition parties and ordinary citizens alike, marked Mandela’s release with great celebration, as his freedom would prove to jumpstart the continuation, and eventual end, of a long revolution against the ruling National Party’s apartheid policies. The month of February marked the 20-year anniversary of Mandela’s release, however, amidst the elation of his supporters, South Africa and her people are still struggling to remove the legacy of an era that the world has slowly grown to forget.

According to the U.S. Department of State, “since the abolition of apartheid, levels of political violence in South Africa have dropped dramatically” however, “violent crime and organized criminal activity are at high levels and are a grave concern.” They also state that “some members of the police commit abuses, and deaths in police custody as a result of excessive force remain a problem” and “violence against women and children also is a serious problem.” (http://www.state.gov) HIV and AIDS also continue to be a devastating problem within the country where, according to UNICEF, over 18% of the population, or 5.7 million people, is infected. (http://www.unicef.org). While steps have been taken to attempt to secure the future stability of the state and encourage development strategies that utilize democratic practices, many have been rejected for more short-term gains.

In 1996 the NCPS (National Crime Prevention Strategy), which recognized the National Growth and Development Strategy’s claim of, as Ted Legget states in “Just Another Miracle: A Decade of Crime and Justice in Democratic South Africa”, “the vital role safety plays in development,”(593) submitted a proposal to officials requesting that inter-departmental programs be aimed at increasing safety. The request was denied. Since then, few mentionable gains have been made. The international community has recently begun to focus attention on the South African situation, and with the 2010 World Cup scheduled to take place at destinations sprawling the map, many have begun to speculate the safety of tourists within a country that continues to boast astonishing crime rates.

Nelson Mandela won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993 for his work within a country that had been riddled with injustice since colonial times. His fight to end apartheid represents one of the most important battles in history for human rights, and will continue to be an inspiration to future generations as to how best to achieve a peaceful resolution to global indifference. The anniversary of his release form prison is indeed, a moment to be celebrated, however, there is still much work to be done, and the enemy continues to gain strength amidst our celebrations. We here at the International Institute for Justice and Development (IIJD) are fighting a battle against a level of poverty and injustice that many are not even capable of imagining. We believe it is most important to address the underlying causes of poverty and recognize the need for a change in the way development aid has been delivered over the past decade. The work that lies ahead is immeasurable and while Mandela retired from politics in 1999, it is vital to remember the words that led to the imprisonment of one of the most important figures in the fight for human rights; may they be our guide.

During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
– (Mandela)

The International Institute for Justice and Development (IIJD), Inc. calls upon the United Nations and the international community to take a stronger stance against the undemocratic and illegal actions committed by President Tandja towards systematically dismantling Niger’s democratic institutions.

After adopting a new constitution in 1999 that established democratic institutions, President Tandja took office through generally fair and free elections – a milestone in Nigerien history. In the 2004 elections, a test of the new Nigerien democracy, voters chose President Tandja, making him the first democratically re-elected incumbent in the independent country.

The IIJD believes that the steps taken by President Tandja in recent months, however, have compromised his democratic credentials, undermined the legitimacy of his mandate, and betrayed the faith of the Nigerien people who twice elected him. President Tandja, nearing the end of his time in office, has sought to amend the constitution to abolish the limit on presidential terms, allowing him to rule indefinitely. Article 36 of the 1999 constitution specifically mandates that a president, elected for five-year terms, is eligible for only one re-election. Article 136 further specifies that “articles 36 and 141…of the present constitution cannot be subject to any revision.”

Upon being sworn in, President Tandja pledged to “respect and enforce respect for the constitution.” In 2007, the President interviewed with Le Monde and made it clear that he would “step down after his 2^nd term.” As late as March 2009, the President – in speaking with President Nicolas Sarkozy of France – reaffirmed that he would respect the current constitution and step down when his time in office expired in December 2009.

President Tandja’s actions since that time have clearly been unconstitutional and illegal. The Constitutional Court on May 25^th,2009 ruled that any referendum to create a new constitution would be unconstitutional. The next day, President Tandja dissolved the Parliament, becoming the de facto sole authority in Niger. On June 2^nd, he signed a decree appointing a committee of only a small handful of politicians to write a new constitution. The Constitutional Court twice more reaffirmed that a referendum seeking to amend presidential term limits would be illegal. On June 29^th, President Tandja dissolved the constitutional court. That same day, President Tandja invoked Article 53 and assumed emergency powers.

The IIJD is concerned by these recent actions that are reminiscent of Niger’s more authoritarian era. President Tandja’s drastic actions to stay in office have been accompanied by a blatant disregard for Nigerien civil society and far-ranging suppression of dissent. President Tandja’s administration has categorically ignored requests by the National bar association to respect the Constitutional Court rulings.  Women and independent journalists protesting the recent events were dispersed at various points leading up to the referendum. State media carried only pro-referendum and Tandja messages, while a private TV station that broadcast a message critical of the President was temporarily shut down. The Administration has ignored protests from the Democratic and Social Convention (CDS), a former coalition partner of President Tandja’s National Movement for the Development of Society (MNSD) in parliament. The CDS withdrew its eight ministers from the cabinet, calling upon the President to respect the Constitutional Court’s verdict. The international community must strongly oppose such actions and use its influence to restore democratic practices.

The democratic gains that Niger has made since being embroiled in an era of coups and re-coups have been worthy of praise and set an example for its neighbors. Recent events, which demonstrate disregard for the other branches of government and for democratic procedure, have compromised such gains and jeopardized Niger’s democratic legacy. President Tandja has severely weakened, and perhaps destroyed, the independence and effectiveness of the judiciary. In dissolving both the Parliament and Constitutional Court, he has disrupted the balance and separation of powers that the IIJD believes are integral to a stable and prosperous democracy. President Tandja’s referendum seeks to create an entirely new constitution written, not by a legislature, but by a five-person panel appointed by the President. If the results of the illegal referendum were to be upheld, it would allow President Tandja unchecked executive powers for an indefinite number of terms.

Niger is only one in a series of African countries in which the executive has flouted the constitution and the established democratic institutions in order to maintain power. The IIJD strongly believes that the United Nations, along with the rest of international community, must do everything in its power to ensure that Niger’s democratic gains are protected and that a strong message is delivered: countries that blatantly disregard their democratic principles will not be condoned nor ignored. Without action, Niger is heading back towards the instability that plagued its people in past decades. President Tandja’s administration is placing Niger’s peace, stability, and opportunity for possible long-term prosperity in severe jeopardy.

With Niger’s hard-won, yet still vulnerable democracy poised for possible destruction, the IIJD urges you to take firmer action to restore the constitution and its proper procedures.

With my highest esteem and sincere considerations,

Benjamin Ngachoko

President and CEO

International Institute for Justice and Development

The President of Liberia, her Excellency Ellen Jonhson Sirleaf talks about the importance of the work of the International Institute of Justice and Development (IIJD)in meeting the challenges Africa faces today.

We are writing to ask for your desperately needed help in response to the urgent threat to democracy that is currently occurring in Cameroon.  As Paul Biya continues to push for a modification to article 6.2 of the constitution that would allow him to extend his tenure beyond 2011 so too does the voice of the Cameroonian people clamour ever louder for permanent respite from his tyranny.

Greater pressure must be exerted by the international community on this corrupt government and it’s tyrannical leader to scrap their plans for modifying the constitution.  Biya has already revised the law once to extend his mandate; he will do it again to maintain his iron grip on power.

The demonstrations of the past couple of months following Biya’s initial proposal to modify the constitution in December are symptoms of the growing discontent of the people of Cameroon.  We have seen these demonstrations grow in strength and number, the most violent occurring just a few weeks ago before once again being suppressed by Biya’s brutal forces of order.  As his tyranny grows so too will the anger of the people; if democracy suffers another wounding blow the reaction will only grow ever stronger.  For this reason we implore you to heal these wounds before they become untreatable and the country descends into civil war.

Action on your part now will be far more achievable and far less costly as opposed to later intervention when matters have reached boiling point.  Please do not stand by to watch another potentially peaceful and prosperous African country go the way of her sisters.  International aid is already stretched to its limit; African soil is already saturated with blood.  Please intervene now before a flood of misery and destitution drains the life out of Cameroon.

Paul Biya has been in power since 1982.  In that time the economy’s growth rate has more than halved despite Cameroon’s wealth of natural resources.  He has plundered these resources for his own gain; he has brutally oppressed the people he should be protecting.  He is responsible for the destruction of his people’s freedoms and rights: the inalienable right of his people to free and fair elections, the right to free speech, the right to free and fair trials, the right to free movement and the right to life.  Paul Biya will continue to fight for power with more determination than ever.  If democracy prevails he knows that he shall be held accountable for his actions.

Hilaire Kamga, representative of the civil society platform and currently in the USA campaigning for Cameroon, is calling for an independent enquiry.  We at the IIJD fully support his call for a review, in line with the democratic process.  Kamga equally criticises those who believe that a change can only be brought about by violent means, by insurrection, revolution or even a coup d’état.  Such regime change is endemic to the history of modern Africa yet has rarely proven to yield positive change, merely replacing one violent regime with another.  It is not simply that the head of this corrupt system in Cameroon must go but that the whole system must change.  If not, a new man in power will become just as corrupt as the last, a victim to this untenable system.

Kamga says “We have to find the means of avoiding the worst by constructing realistic mechanisms that are efficient and credible, that may permit the citizens to find confidence in their country without being drawn into dead-end political options”

The only way to bring about real positive change in Cameroon is through democratic means.  A constitution should not be changed if it is to the detriment of democracy and the negation of the rights of the people, but to ensure the independence of the executive, legislative and justice branches of government, to ensure a free and fair legal system, to increase the transparency and accountability of the branches of government and to ensure the fundamental need for free, fair, and frequent elections.

When the system starts to function in a democratic manner it will become its own defense against corruption and tyranny.  We encourage an independent enquiry into the modification of the constitution and for a pressure to be put on Biya to call a halt to his project of tyranny.

We believe that the constitution of Cameroon is in need of modification but this must only be done in the interests of the people. The modification of article 6.2 will only allow Paul Biya to continue to plunder Cameroon for his own gain and continue to send Cameroon spiralling into the dark ages.  By continuing to provide financial aid to this regime foreign governments are only lining the pockets of corrupt government officials and paying for the brutal suppression of a people, smothering their calls for freedom and justice and precipitating the decline into poverty and misery. Action must be taken now.

If something is not done Cameroon will descend into civil war. If demonstrations have been violent before the change imagine the chaos if the change is implemented.  The people of Cameroon will not back down in their fight for a free and fair democracy and fair and transparent system of justice in their country.  We must ensure that their fight and their energy be a peaceful one to end this tale of woe.

Thank you for your commitment to this urgent issue

Yours Sincerely,

Benjamin Ngachoko

President and CEO

International Institute for Justice and Development

The IIJD calls upon the United Nations and the international community to recognize and take action on the alarming situation that is currently developing in Kenya. A country that was once a beacon for stable democracy and a model for economic progress is on the verge of a descent into poverty and developmental crisis due to the corruption and violence that has recently erupted there. Economists have made careful estimates that the crisis could as much as half the economic growth rate for the upcoming year, and with the violation of the basic human rights of all Kenyan citizens now imminently threatened, immediate action is necessary.

The recent developments in Zimbabwe have given rise to concern about human rights and the advancement of democracy in the country. The IIJD has been closely following the situation in Zimbabwe and calls for the stakeholders in the international community to take a stronger stance against the systematic dismantling of democratic processes and silencing of opposition by the Mugabe administration.

The IIJD has responded to the crisis in Somalia with the hope of galvanizing the international community to act toward sustainable peace in this region of East Africa. We call upon all those with the capacity for change in Somalia to take efforts toward a just and expedient solution to this bloody conflict

The IIJD calls upon the United Nations and the international community to recognize and take action on the alarming situation that is currently developing in the Central African Republic (CAR). For many years the CAR has been teetering on the edge of chaos and recent developments have only led to a more inevitable collapse. In a country now overrun with violence, fear and lawlessness, only a swift, deliberate and concentrated United Nations, African Union, and local government effort will be able to create peace and stability. With the lives of hundreds of thousands of Central Africans now in danger, immediate action is necessary.

UPDATED: The IIJD continues its call for action to release journalist Fatou Jaw Manneh, who was held by the Gambian government on charges of sedition after giving a critical interview accusing the president of inaction and betrayal. The day before her trial recommenced on June 27th, her charges were amended “to false publication with intent to cause alarm and fear in society and uttering seditious words.” This provides hope for those working to help Manneh, because according to The Gambia Echo, amending a charge translates to a lesser penalty in the case of conviction. However, this amendment also indicates foul play on the part of the prosecution that knows it cannot win on the original charges of sedition and so is moving to a misdemeanor charge that it feels it can win.

On June 27, the second prosecution witness, Mr. Basiru Gassama, completed his testimony against Manneh, reading excerpts of the interview for which Manneh was charged with sedition, citing her criticism and frustration with the Gambian president Yahya Jammeh and her insinuation that he should be replaced. However, it became apparent in his testimony that he did not posses the vocabulary necessary to understand the meaning of many of Manneh’s comments, and merely understood that she was criticizing his president in a way he didn’t agree with. In an important development, the judge in the Kanifing Magistrate’s Court has ruled that the charges brought against Manneh are offenses in the Gambia, and that it should be transferred from the Kanifing Magistrates’ Court to the Banjul Magistrate’s court according to the Daily Observer in Banjul. The Judge in Kanifing felt the jurisdiction of the Banjul Magistrate’s court is better equipped to hear the case because that is where the article was first read and where the sedition charge was first voiced. The trial continues in Banjul, and Fatou Jaw Manneh remains in the Gambia as her trial moves forward.

Click here to read the Letter to the Gambian Ambassador to the UN – April 2007

Click here for an update on the Freedom of Speech Tried in Gambia – May 2007

The goal of the International Conference on the State of the Affairs of Africa was to discuss the root causes of Africa development crisis and set concrete priorities on how to resolve Africa’s persistent poverty. For this conference, the IIJD assembled a diverse group of more than 100 scholars, development professionals, community leaders, entrepreneurs, philanthropists, and members of the NGO community for the common purpose of addressing the challenges that beleaguer the lives of countless Africans. After three days of intensive and interactive debate and dialogue, participants identified and prioritized key development objectives. The following findings, resolutions, and recommendations are a summary of this dialogue and decision-making. They can be accessed by clicking on the below links.

ICSAA Preamble

ICSAA Findings

ICSAA Resolutions

ICSAA Recommendations

In light of recent developments after the elections in the DRC, the IIJD calls upon the international community to set high standards for future elections. Doing this will ensure that other countries will not have the same difficulties that the DRC is having right now.

Read more about efforts to prevent destabilization in West Africa.

The IIJD has been closely monitoring the situation in Guinea – which threatens to destroy the fragile peace finally being enjoyed in West Africa – with growing concern. It is our sincere hope that those in a position to make a difference answer this Call for Action.

Click here to read more about efforts to prevent destabilization in West Africa.

President and Chief Executive Officer, International Institute for Justice and Development, Inc.

Benjamin Ngachoko has spent most of his career in the non-profit sector developing and managing organizations and building the capacity of civil society in the area of democratic governance, justice system reform and development. 

Mr. Ngachoko has been involved in the movement toward democracy, rule of law and pluralism in Africa for the past two decades.  Persecuted under the dictatorial regime of Mr. Paul Biya in Cameroon and forced to exile, Mr. Ngachoko left his native Cameroon in May 1993.  He lived in Burkina Faso (West Africa) for four years. During that time, he assisted government’s officers and various NGOs in the design of policies and programs, the creation of a regulatory framework for building citizen’s groups and the appropriate role of NGOs in increasing the capability of citizens to shape their government. He also extensively traveled through the West Africa region, contributing to building the capacity of civil society organizations in Mali, Ivory Cost, Senegal, Niger, and Burkina Faso, before immigrating in the United State in May of 1997.

In 2001, Mr. Ngachoko founded the International Institute for Justice and Development (IIJD) in order to continue his passion for seeing poor nations around the world experience renewed stability and prosperity. Mr. Ngachoko believes that poverty and underdevelopment must be addressed through a comprehensive approach combining institutional reforms, infrastructure development, and capacity building by working with local experts and community based organizations.  With the IIJD, Mr. Ngachoko actively advocates tackling the root causes of poverty in Africa by addressing systemic weaknesses, reforming the institutions of governance, establishing independent and well functioning justice systems, building capacity and empowering communities.  In 2002, in order to confront the underlying causes of poverty, development crisis and insecurity, Mr. Ngachoko developed a Justice System Reform Process for Africa and other developing Countries. In 2005, he created the Justice System Reform Toolkit being used now to assess the institutions of Justice System and to complete the IIJD’s Justice Index.  In 2006, Mr. Ngachoko successfully organized the first International Conference on the State of Affairs of Africa in order to achieve a consensus on the roots causes of development crisis and persistent poverty, and how to effectively tackle these problems.  For the past decades, Mr. Ngachoko has travelled around the world and meets with world public and elected officials to advocate for institutions and justice system reforms in Africa as way to systematically address the issues facing the continent.

In the past, Mr. Ngachoko has worked with the Group of Research and Education for Democracy and Social Progress (GERDES) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) to provide technical support for elections and to train election monitors.  Furthermore, he has provided technical support, strategic advice, and assistance to the government in Guinea during the transition to democracy, to the government of Burkina Faso and NGO’s operating in Mali, Senegal, Niger, Togo, Sierra Leone, Cameroon, Benin, and Ethiopia.  Before establishing the IIJD, Mr. Ngachoko worked as a policy and financial analyst for Prudential Insurance and Boston Financial Data Service.  Mr. Ngachoko has also provided assistance to many asylum seekers and refugees who have made their homes in the United States.

Mr. Ngachoko graduated from Boston University Law School, and Ouagadougou University law and Political Science faculty.  His management background was reinforced by the MS in Organization Management program of the School of International Training (SIT) in Vermont, USA.

Mr. Ngachoko is the President and Chief Executive Officer of the IIJD.  He is married with three children and currently resides in Chestnut Hill, MA with his family.

– CEO of Law Resource Exchange,

  – Managing Attorney at Geraghty Suarez, LLP

  – IIJD’s Director

Justin E. Crawford is an entrepreneur responsible for the startup and management of several diverse organizations.  Since starting Renaissance Shipping Agency, Inc. (www.RSAgency.net) in 2003, Justin has grown this corporation into a successful international shipping agency that currently handles containerized cargo marine operations throughout the US, Mexico, Central America, and some ports in South America, in addition to proving a number of consulting services on everything from hazardous materials compliance training to organizational efficiency.  As the Managing Attorney at Geraghty Suarez, LLP., (www.GSmultimodal.com), he helped launch, and continues to run the office and strategic management functions of, a successful and respected maritime law firm specializing in multimodal defense work.  As the CEO of Law Resource Exchange (www.LawResourceExchange.com), Justin manages a diverse team of designers, developers, and content creators throughout the country and on three different continents to help grow a web-based business designed to cater to the needs of law students around the country. 

Justin’s interest in international justice issues began during his world travels while at the United States Merchant Marine Academy, a federal academy where he received his undergraduate education after being nominated to that institution by US Senator John McCain.  He also spent 13 years as an officer in the US Naval Reserve before retiring in 2009, which provided numerous opportunities to get a global perspective on economic and justice issues. 

In addition to a law degree, which he received from a Top 100 Law School after graduating Cum Laude, Justin brings to the IIJD Board of Directors a wide range of experience in the areas of business management and information technology solutions relevant to the operation and mission of IIJD.

– Audit Manager, DiCicco, Gulman & Company LLP

 – IIJD’s Director and Treasurer 

Jonathan is Certified Public Accountant (CPA) and holds the position of Audit Manager with the accounting Firm DICICCO, GULMAN & COMPANY LLP.  Jonathan joined the IIJD Board of directors in 2009 and served as the International Institute for Justice and Development (IIJD) Treasurer.

IIJD’s Senior Executive, Chief Strategy Officer

Paulette Ngachoko has been a member of the Board of Directors of IIJD since its creation. She has provided technical assistance for the incorporation of the Organization and the design of programs. Along with her involvement with IIJD, she has worked as Compliance Risk Manager for Bank of America since November 2000. Prior to that Mrs. Ngachoko worked on different projects as Financial Analyst for Boston Financial Data Services, E*Trade and Prudential Insurance from 1997 to 1999.

Paulette Ngachoko came to the United States in 1997. While living in Burkina Faso from 1993, she finished her law studies and subsequently worked as an Attorney. In July 1995, through her affiliation with CAPIA, a Burkina Faso government organization to promote African integration, she participated with the country’s delegation to the world youth summit conference in Yamoussoukro, Ivory Coast. Mrs. Ngachoko left her native Cameroon in 1993, after contributing to its people’s fight for freedom and democracy through the National Coordination of Cameroonian Students and FREEDOM-NOW, a National Organization of Women whose goal was to promote women’s opinion and encourage their participation in political forums.

Paulette’s educational background includes: an LL.M. in International Banking and Financial Law from Boston University in May 2000; a D.E.S.S. (post-graduate degree) in International Business Law, a Master’s degree in Law from Ouagadougou University in Burkina Faso, and a Bachelor’s degree in private law from Yaoundé University in Cameroon. Paulette Ngachoko speaks French fluently and has been member of the New York State Bar Association and the American Bar Association since 2001. She lives in Brookline with her family.

Secretary and Clerk

Jean Assobmo, a Board member since 2003, has more than fifteen years experience managing non-profit organizations. Jean is IIJD’s clerk and board of Directors meetings’ organizer. He also oversees communication with IIJD’s partners in West Africa. A native of Cameroon, he has previously worked as a head of the Association for Health and Welfare of Children and Rural Women, as well as in the Ministry of Health in his native country. Jean also has many years of teaching experience in Cameroon. Beside his involvement with IIJD, Jean is a Medical Electronics Engineering Technician working at the Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH).

– The C. Thomas and Associates, Speaker, Author, Radio Host

– IIJD’s Director

Carole Copeland Thomas is the voice of personal empowerment. She is a keynote speaker, empowerment expert, diversity professional, syndicated radio host, and leadership consultant in C. Thomas & Associates, a business she started in 1987. Ms. Thomas served as an adjunct faculty member for Bentley College for a decade, and has spoken throughout the United States, London, England, Canada, and Australia. Carole Copeland Thomas  is a keynote speaker, convention facilitator, management consultant and seminar leader in C. Thomas & Associates, a firm she started in 1987. Carole is the host of Focus On Empowerment heard every Friday at noon on WBNW-1120 AM Radio in Boston (simulcasting on the web at http://www.moneymattersradio.net)